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It’s difficult to overestimate the importance of the Greek election last Sunday. It is the first time in decades that a government has come to power in Europe which is both hostile to neoliberal economics and grounded in social movements. The people who have suffered most from the financial crisis have created a spark of hope for all of us. 
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Alexis Tsipras, leader of the left-wing Syriza coalition, is about to become prime minister of Greece. He will be the first European leader elected on an explicit promise to challenge the austerity policies that have prevailed since 2010. And there will, of course, be many people warning him to abandon that promise, to behave “responsibly.”
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Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal
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In a previous article we attempted to provide a bird’s-eye view of the political agendas of four Greek parties in relation to the digital/knowledge Commons.
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In the following interview, New School professor and economist Richard Wolff provides his analysis of the causes of the economic crisis in Greece and in the eurozone, debunks claims that the Greek economy is recovering and offers his proposal for what a post-capitalist future could look like for Greece and the world.
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With the prospect of a Syriza government, everyone is wondering what the future holds for Greece. Whether disaster or deliverance, or just the normal chaos, it is hard to ignore the potential for game-changing repercussions from a Syriza government. On the street however, embittered by the failures of leftist governments in the past to change a corrupt and dysfunctional political system, few people are expecting big things from Syriza. The feeling of popular cynicism and fatalism is palpable. How different will Syriza be?
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Some of the Syriza members I spoke to are, privately, still not sure they even want to govern. But one thing is certain: when you look him in the eye, Alexis Tsipras most definitely does.
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Costas Lapavitsas: Syriza’s anti-austerity programme is more sensible than radical, and what Greece needs. But the EU is far from convinced
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It’s almost a political cliche. If a country is battered by economic disaster, its ever poorer citizens will turn in droves to the crude xenophobia of the populist right. A lack of secure jobs and affordable homes, plummeting living standards: Johnny Foreigner proves an all-too-convenient scapegoat. This is a script that seems to have been followed to the letter in austerity Britain. Anti-establishment fury has been funnelled into an anti-immigration party led by an ex-City broker who wants to stick it to the man by privatising public services, slashing taxes on the rich, and attacking hard-won British workers’ rights. But, as Spain shows us, it doesn’t have to be this way.
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I’ve always considered Syriza to be a pivotal party. It is a party with many roots in the alterglobalization movements of the late nineties, and with a remarkable openness to distributed movements and p2p/commons/sharing ideas. In the last EU elections, they became the first party in Greece. If they would succeed in the next national election, this would be the first anti-austerity party to gain power, and this could create a domino effect in Europe, similar to the effect of the Argentinian crisis of 2001, which led to almost the whole Latin American continent turning away from neoliberalism and setting in place a renewed committment to human solidarity and welfare which led to a strong emergence of p2p dynamics in the continent.
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Radical parties rise when mainstream parties tolerate stagnation, says an editorial in The Wall Street Journal.
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The rise of Syriza can’t just be explained by the crisis in the eurozone: a youthful generation of professionals has had enough of tax-evading oligarchs, says Paul Mason
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The upcoming elections in Greece may bring the left to power. Will SYRIZA win? What happens next? And what would a SYRIZA victory mean for the movements?
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The cleaners who have raised their rubber gloves in defiance of Greek public sector cuts.
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The Economist offers authoritative insight and opinion on international news, politics, business, finance, science, technology and the connections between them.
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Greece is the test ground for deepening neoliberal restructuring and austerity throughout Europe. But Greece has emerged as a paradigm of resistance.
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This is information that was supplied by John Milios in registering through RePEc. If you are John G. Milios , you may change this information at the RePEc Author Service. Or if you are not registered and would like to be listed as well, register at the RePEc Author Service. When you register or update your RePEc registration, you may identify the papers and articles you have authored.
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A large portrait of Marxist revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg hangs in the Thessaloniki office of Nikos Samanidis, a founder member of Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, better known as Syriza.
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Autonomous movements are inclined not to capture power, but to disperse it: imagining new decentralized institutions for the governance of social and economic life to replace bourgeois democracy, which is immersed in a deep structural crisis of social reproduction, political representation and ecological sustainability. That does not entail laying out a well-defined program of exercise of power, but forging bonds and institutions that will allow the synthesis of the specific and local with the general and universal. The struggles for the commons, for knowledge, land, water and health, leave behind a legacy of accessible and participatory institutions, which can form the backbone of a new kind of power: a power of the people, not of the representatives.
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